Making claim (native
land rights). Olive P. Dickason.
Beaver, February-March 2000 vol 80 no 1 p38-9,41-3 (English)
Within the first few decades of the twentieth century, the federal
government had consolidated its title to much of the Canadian landmass
through treaties that extinguished native land rights. The government
was eager to open Canada, particularly the West, to new settlement,
and it moved effectively wherever valuable land or political considerations
came to the fore. But Canada's first peoples have always held different
views of rights and ownership. In the last quarter of the twentieth
century, they began to press for change.
While the millions who came to Canada from other shores throughout
the nineteenth and twentieth centuries carved out new lives for
themselves in a wide open land, for the original inhabitants of
that land the process was reversed as they were exiled to the margins
of the new society. For them, the challenge has been to regain their
lost self-determination.
Canada's First Nations have signed about five hundred treaties
with the Crown since the days of first European settlement. In the
beginning, these agreements were for peace and friendship; only
later did they focus on land transfers. The turning point was the
Royal Proclamation issued by King George III in 1763, following
Pontiac's uprising. In surrendering almost half of Canada's land
to an authority--the Crown--that presumed it held underlying sovereign
title to all of British North America, Canada's native people surrendered
the keystone to determining their own fate. It wasn't until 1973
that the presumption underlying the Crown's contract with the aboriginal
inhabitants was challenged, and the reversals that Canada's natives
have experienced for centuries began themselves to be reversed.
In 1973, Frank Calder, founder and president of British Columbia's
Nisga'a Tribal Council (1955-1974), went to court to establish his
people's right to their traditional lands, which they had neither
ceded by treaty nor lost in a war. He lost, but on a technicality.
Although the judges disagreed on whether the Royal Proclamation
of 1763 applied to British Columbia, all but one agreed that aboriginal
title existed in law independently of any treaty, executive order,
or legislative enactment. Possession of lands when Europeans arrived
was proof of aboriginal title. However, the judges did not arrive
at a consensus as to how aboriginal title was to be interpreted
and dealt with. Neither did they agree on the current state of Nisga'a
land rights. But they did affirm that aboriginal rights existed,
at least in principle. It was a giant step forward.
Land became an issue very quickly after Europeans arrived in the
Americas, particularly in those regions where farming was established
as a way of life. As the Spanish Dominican Francisco de Vitoria
(1480?-1552), primary professor of sacred theology at the University
of Salamanca and a father of international law observed, since the
law of discovery applied only to unoccupied territories, it could
not be used to support seizure of the lands of Amerindians "any
more than if it had been they who had discovered us." He pointed
out that at the time of their first voyages to the Americas, the
Spaniards "took with them no right to occupy the lands of the
indigenous population." His voice, far from being isolated,
was simply among the better known of those who expounded the central
canonical tradition of medieval legal thought, which had its roots
in classical Greece and Rome.
Although "aboriginal right" as a term expressing a principle
of law has come into use only comparatively recently, the principle
itself is ancient. Aboriginal right--or "Indian title,"
as it was referred to in colonial times--can be traced back to Justinian's
Code, promulgated during the first half of the sixth century. It
explicitly recognized that the first inhabitants of a land are its
rightful owners: "natural reason admits the title of the first
occupant to that which previously had no owner." The code in
its turn was based on Roman law, which considered the principle
to be self-evident in natural law. It continued in Europe under
feudalism and common law. In other words, aboriginal title entered
into law in connection with land, and only later was the concept
extended to become aboriginal right, which includes self-government.
(In spite of its lengthy history and much deliberation, its full
legal implications are still not clear.)
Amerindians, for their part, held that since land was for the use
of all peoples, everyone had a right to its produce. Using the land
entailed the responsibility of taking care of what had been received
from previous generations in order to pass on its benefits to the
generations to come. Primarily, Amerindians saw the natural world
in spiritual terms: in the words of one contemporary observer, "they
suppose that all animals, fowls, fish, trees, stones, &c., are
endowed with immortal spirits, and that they possess supernatural
power to punish any who may dare to despise or make any unnecessary
waste of them." Concerning land, they had a clear concept of
tribal territoriality, but not of individual ownership of discrete
parcels of land. Those peoples who practised agriculture used land
communally as organized by kinship, a custom that could come close
to individual ownership, as among the Huron.
Legal principles were one thing and political reality something
else again, as quickly became evident when Christopher Columbus
stumbled on the Caribbean island of Guanahani in 1492, and lost
no time in claiming it for Spain, even though it was obviously inhabited.
Quickly realizing the weakness of her claim of "discovery,"
and not to be done out of the rewards of her find (the expedition
had been expensive), Spain obtained papal support for her This was
done in 1493 with the bulls of Pope Alexander VI, authorizing Spain
to bring under her sway "the said countries and islands, with
their residents and inhabitants, and to bring them to the Catholic
faith."
Neither France nor England accepted the bulls, and some of Spain's
leading jurists, including Vitoria, denied the pope's claim of the
right to dispose of the temporal possessions of non-Christians.
As word of Columbus's achievement spread, so did the popular belief
that it had been a "discovery" in the full sense of the
word, giving Europeans the right to claim the land, particularly
as it gave evidence of harbouring rich resources waiting to be exploited.
It was easy to view the hunting and gathering Amerindians, who in
Columbus's words went "naked as their mothers bore them,"
as living according to nature "like beasts in the woods,"
with no more rights to land than deer or jaguars.
A question that was soon raised was the definition of "occupation"
or "habitation." Could migratory peoples who "ranged"
the land without fixed abodes be classed as inhabitants? Portugal,
shortly before Columbus's voyage, had claimed rights of "discovery"
along the African coast, on the grounds that without stable settlement
the region was terra nullius, uninhabited land. Similarly, the legal
expression vacuum domicilium (no habitations or homes), carried
the connotation that the land was legally "waste" because
it had not been "subdued"--that is, cultivated. In this
sense, much of the Americas was seen as not truly occupied; even
semisedentary farming villages were considered not to be true habitations,
as they were not occupied year-round.
Later the English developed a variant "doctrine of discovery,"
according to which the discovering power had the sole prerogative
to extinguish (by purchase or other means) the occupancy rights
of the original inhabitants.
By the eighteenth century, the argument that natural law demanded
that people cultivate the land in order to claim it had been widely
accepted in Europe. This idea had been advocated by Thomas More
(1478-1535) in his Utopia (published in Latin in 1516 and English
in 1551), and later modified by Swiss jurist Emerich de Vattel (1714-1767),
whose elaborate and complex analysis of international law, Le Droit
des gens, published in 1758, rivalled the works of Dutch jurist
and statesman Hugo Grotius (1583-1645) as accepted legal authority.
Vattel wrote that the obligation to cultivate the soil meant that
peoples who followed the "idle" hunting life rather than
undertaking the hard work of farming were taking up more land than
was their due, and so could be restricted in their holdings to allow
for the expansion of agriculture.
As their loss of land under British settler pressures steadily
increased, so did the violence of Amerindians reactions. Recognizing
this as a major factor in the wars that ensued, imperial authorities
sought to control the situation with a series of proclamations,
the most famous of which was that of 1763. Its two best-known provisions
marked a turning point in British colonial attitudes toward Amerindian
land rights: first of all, that all lands not already been ceded
to or purchased by Britain and that formed part of British North
America were to be considered "reserved lands" for Amerindians,
and secondly, those lands could only be alienated by the British
Crown.
In other words, individuals were no longer allowed to purchase
lands directly from Amerindians, which had led to so much fraudulence
and unrest in the past. The British, recognizing that "the
Cruelty and Injustice with which they [Indians] had been treated
with respect to their hunting grounds" had spurred Pontiac's
1763 uprising, were apprehensive of a generalized Amerindian war.
Their principal concern was to keep the peace necessary for their
expanding commercial empire to flourish. Protecting land rights
was a means to that end.
The Crown, in its move to respect "Indian title," was
referring to occupancy and use, not outright ownership ("fee
simple" in legal terms). It was assumed that Britain held underlying
sovereign title, as the 1763 proclamation's wording indicates: it
was "our dominions" that were being reserved for Amerindians
and to which the Crown was extending its protection. Not all Indians
across Canada have accepted the proclamation; the Innu of Labrador
and northern Quebec still do not believe that their rights were
affected either by the proclamation or by "the present occupation"
by non-aboriginals.
The first postproclamation treaties were signed in Upper Canada.
In 1764, there were two, permitting British use of the portage at
Niagara Falls in return for a trade agreement. Other treaties quickly
followed, most of them characterized by land surrenders.
While this procedure slowed down Amerindian loss of land, it did
not stop it, nor was it intended to. What it did was to ensure that
land for settlement was acquired by negotiation rather than by war.
Some Amerindian leaders, realizing the ultimate consequences of
land loss for their people, began to speak out against the cessions.
The best known of these was Tecumseh, who tried to organize a pan-Amerindian
alliance to control land deals. He held that no single tribe had
the right to cede land on its own, which he said should only be
done by all the tribal nations of a region acting together in council.
Tecumseh's attempts to rally Amerindians in their own interests
had only limited success, and were cut short when he was killed
during the War of 1812.
The first Canadian court case in which the land provisions of the
Proclamation of 1763 figured was that of St. Catherine's Milling
and Lumber Co. v. R (1888). The point at issue was whether the lands
surrendered in Treaty Three (1873) had accrued to the Crown in right
of the federal authority (Canada) or to the Crown in right of the
province (Ontario). The court, in ruling in favour of Ontario, held
that Indian land rights were those of occupancy and use and were
dependent upon the goodwill of the British sovereign. This would
not be challenged until Nisga'a Tribal Council president Frank Calder
went to court. Though the Nisga'a lost in 1973 in Calder v. Attorney-General
of British Columbia, the judge's position that aboriginal rights
existed, at least in principle, influenced the federal government
to initiate its comprehensive land claims process for settling issues
concerning unceded lands. Since the Calder case, it has acknowledged
the Proclamation of 1763 as "a basic declaration of the Indian
people's interest in land in this country," particularly since
it was incorporated into the Canadian Constitution of 1982. For
their part, Amerindians regard it as their "Bill of Rights,"
an acknowledgment of the federal government's fiduciary (trust)
responsibility for aboriginal peoples as a consequence of the proclamation's
reservation to the Crown of the right to acquire Indian lands. The
first clear legal recognition of that fiduciary principle came in
R v. Guerin (1984), when the Supreme Court of Canada recognized
that when aboriginal people are involved, it is the duty of the
Crown to always act in their best interest.
The trend toward recognizing aboriginal rights received a sharp
check in 1991 when a B.C. court, in Delgamuukw v. British Columbia,
rejected the claim of the Gitksan and Wet'suwet'en to 58,000 square
kilometres of traditional lands in northwestern British Columbia
on the grounds that the oral evidence upon which the claim had been
based was in effect hearsay, and consequently not sufficient to
support the claim. Six years later, in 1997, the Supreme Court of
Canada on appeal overturned the B.C. court's decision with the argument
that oral tradition had not been given sufficient weight. In its
opinion, the laws of evidence must be adapted to place oral history
on an equal footing with other types of historical evidence. It
recommended a new trial.
In the meantime, the Nisga'a were back in the news when they signed
a treaty in 1999, the first for British Columbia since the mid-nineteenth
century. The treaty, which gives the First Nation exclusive rights
to the resources of an area less than one-tenth of their traditional
lands in exchange for giving up their tax-free status under the
Indian Act, has been hailed as a breakthrough marking "a new
understanding between cultures." It certainly included compromises
on both sides. On December 13, 1999 the House of Commons passed
the Nisga'a Final Agreement Act, with Senate approval pending.
Another major breakthrough last year was the creation of a new
territory, Nunavut, out of the Northwest Territories. Comprising
more than a fifth of Canada's surface, Nunavut represents the largest
native land-claim settlement in the country's history. It also represents
the establishment of a new style of "public government"
in which the Inuit, who are in the overwhelming majority, have in
effect formed the government. But it is a government in which nonnatives
are participating, as four of the new legislative assembly's nineteen
members are not Inuit. In other words, the Inuit, in regaining control
of their own destiny, have done so while recognizing and incorporating
the rights of minorities. The political implications of this arrangement
for the rest of Canada will probably take some time to work out.
As all this illustrates, the consequences of the Royal Proclamation
of 1763 are more in evidence and more widespread in Canada than
they have ever been. A recent count of land claims across the land
put their number at 3,300. All of British Columbia is under claim.
This whole development can be traced, either directly or indirectly,
to the proclamation. Comprehensive claims are direct descendants
via Calder: this is the type of claim that arises in regions without
treaties, but where aboriginal right continues to exist. Specific
claims arise in large part out of the land cession treaties, when
there is disagreement as to the implementation of terms. What began
as a move to protect imperial interests, particularly where expanding
commercial interests were concerned, has been transformed into today's
movement for the implementation of aboriginal rights. It is a development
with the potential to profoundly affect the nature of Canada in
the twenty-first century.
1871
Canada and First Nations sign the first of 11 numbered treaties
that se cure much of Rupert's Land and the Northwest Territories
as Crown property, and guarantee the Canadian government's responsibility
for the well-being of the territories' aboriginal inhabitants. By
1899, the first eight treaties are signed.
1905
Treaty 9 is negotiated with the federal and Ontario governments
who share the cost of purchasing aboriginal title to land in northern
Ontario -- the only time a provincial govern Tent participates in
any of the numbered treaties.
1906
A delegation of Squamish chiefs travels to England to petition
King Edward seeking compensation for lands in British Columbia that
had been appropriated without payment.
Treaty 10 is established. Aboriginals cede land in northern Saskatchewan
to the Crown in return for the government's guarantee of reserve
lands, annual payments, education, and farming assistance.
1912
The Nisga'a of northwestern B.C.'s Nass River Valley are the first
native group to initiate a land-claim action against the Canadian
government.
1921
Following the discovery of oil in the Mackenzie Valley, the government
obtains Dene signatures to establish Treaty 11. Claiming the treaty's
provisions were improperly implemented and the document had no legal
validity, the Dene begin in the 1970s to pursue land-claim settlements
in the court.
1923
The government, noting an absence of documents formalizing native
land cessions in parts of central and southern Ontario, quietly
obtains native signatures to lay claim to some of Canada's most
valuable real estate. This marks the last of a major round of treaty
making begun in the 1870s.
1930
Under the Natural Resources Transfer Acts of 1930, Indians in the
prairie provinces are granted the right to hunt and fish for food,
free of provincial regulation, on unoccupied Crown lands.
1939
The government rules that Inuit are a federal responsibility, although
they are not subject to the Indian Act.
1951
Jun The Indian Act is substantially revised to give native bands
greater autonomy and end restrictions such as the prohibition of
native ceremonies and dances.
1960
March 10 Indians are granted the right to vote in federal government
elections without having to relinquish their Indian status.
Aug 4 The 1960 Canadian Bill of Rights is passed, affirming the
right to equality before the law for all Canadians, including natives.
1961
Dec 31 National Indian Council is established in Calgary as an
umbrella group for native and Metis concerns.
1968
The National Indian Council splits to form the Canadian Metis Society
(Native Council of Canada after 1970; Congress of Aboriginal Peoples
after 1994) to represent the Metis and nonstatus Indians, and the
National Indian Brotherhood (Assembly of First Nations after 1982)
to represent status Indians.
1969
Jun A government White Paper calls for abolition of the Indian
Department and the Indian Act within five years, thus eliminating
Indian status. The White Paper is abandoned after NIB protest.
1970
Apr 1 The N.W.T. takes over responsibility for governing the eastern
and upper Arctic from the Dept. of Indian Affairs and Northern Development.
Sept 1 The Blue Quills Residential School in Alberta becomes the
first to be run by aboriginal people, marking the beginning of the
end for church-run residential schools in Canada.
The Supreme Court of Canada rules that J. Drybones, a status Indian,
had been unfairly discriminated against on the basis of race when
he was convicted under a provision that made it an offence for an
Indian to be intoxicated off reserve lands.
1971
Inuit Tapirisat of Canada (ITC, formerly the Inuit Brotherhood)
is formed to address such issues as the development of the Canadian
North and the preservation of the Inuit culture.
1973
Aug 8 The federal government renews the right of natives to initiate
land claim negotiations.
Sept 7 The N.W.T government allows the Indian Brotherhood of the
N.W.T. to file a claim for approximately one-third of the land.
Court decisions recognize Dene land title to the Mackenzie River
Valley and the title of the Cree and Inuit of Quebec. Later overturned,
both decisions are a significant step forward in the process of
native land claims.
1975
Nov 11 The James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement, the first aboriginal
treaty negotiated since 1923, is signed in Quebec City. The treaty
ensures area natives partial self-government, control over hunting,
and a large cash settlement.
1976
Jun 8 On the recommendation of the Berger inquiry, the government
postpones construction of the Mackenzie pipeline for 10 years pending
settlement of land claims with the Dene and Inuit.
1982
Apr 17 The Constitution Act is proclaimed. Section 35 affirms existing
aboriginal and treaty rights, defining "the aboriginal peoples
of Canada" as Indian, Inuit, and Metis.
1983
Aboriginal peoples are invited for the first time into constitutional
negotiations at a series of first ministers conferences that continue
until 1987.
The Constitutional Act of 1982 is amended to ensure equal rights
to both aboriginal men and women.
1985
June 12 Bill C-31 is passed, restoring Indian status to native
women married to nonnative men.
1986
Oct 9 Parliament passes the Sechelt Indian Band Self-Government
Act transferring legal title to band lands to Sechelt First Nation
in B.C., the first band to break from the Indian Act.
1987
Aboriginal groups successfully argue at a First Ministers Conference
that aboriginal self-government is an "inherent right"
not a right contingent on the sanctioning vote of provincial and
federal parliaments.
1990
Jun 15 New Democrat MLA Elijah Harper, a Cree, refuses consent
to the Meech Lake Accord in the Manitoba Legislature, arguing it
fails to recognize the rights of aboriginal peoples. Meech dies
June 22.
Jul 11 A gun battle erupts between 100 armed Quebec policemen and
Mohawk members of the Warrior Society at Oka, Quebec, who are protesting
plans to turn nearby land claimed for themselves into a golf course.
1991
Apr 23 The Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP) is created
to study aboriginal issues and find solutions to improve relations
between the government and First Nations.
The Aboriginal Justice Inquiry, conducted in Manitoba, concludes
that the provincial judicial system had become racist and abusive
towards natives.
1998
Jan 7 The federal government apologizes to survivors of Indian
residential schools and sets up a $350-million fund for community
healing.
Aug 4 The Nisga'a Final Treaty Agreement, B.C.'s first treaty since
1899, is initialed, guaranteeing the Nisga'a of northwestern B.C.
self-government, ownership of surface and subsurface resources on
their lands, and a share of area salmons stocks and wildlife harvests.
The treaty is ratified in the B.C. legislature April 22, 1999.
1999
Apr 1 Canada's newest territory and largest jurisdiction, Nunavut
is created, Under the 1993 Nunavut Land Agreement, the Inuit people
of the region are granted a form of self-government and a cash settlement
of over $1 billion over 14 years.
Dec 13 The Nisga'a Final Treaty Agreement is passed by the House
of Commons.
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