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Spring/Summer 1997 Edition
The First Nations International Court of Justice:
Why, How, Who
by Richard C. Powless |
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Who we are Political
- Legal Collusion Failure of the Canadian Court
System Inherent Right to Self Government
First Nations Land Rights What
Needs to be Done The First Judgement
The Decision How do First Nations
Participate? Next Steps |
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On April 2nd, and 3rd, 1996, a First Nations
International Court of Justice (FNICJ) was held in Ottawa to prosecute
the government of Canada on violations of treaty, aboriginal and
international human rights. In particular the Prime Minister was
indicted for violations of the treaty, aboriginal, human and international
rights of the First Nations citizens, including taxes and unlawfully
seizing First Nations lands and resources.
The FNICJ is composed of seven indigenous tribunal judges from
the four directions. They include Jim Dumont, Anishnabek Nation;
Irene Watson, Tanganekald Nation; Moana Jackson, Ngati Kahungunu
/ Ngati Porou Nation; John Mohawk, Seneca Nation; Tupac Enrique,
Xicano-Nahuatl Nation, Jeanette Armstrong, Okanagan Nation; and
Leroy Littlebear, Blood Nation. The Prosecution legal team is also
an all-indigenous group headed by Sharon Venne.
The Witnesses who presented evidence to support the indictment
included Chief Oren Lyons, Onondaga Nation; Margarita Guitierrez,
Hnahnu Nation, Chiapas, Mexico; Lavina White, Haida Nation; Darryl
Beaulieu, Dene Nation and Ward Churchill, Cherokee/Creek Nation.
The Court is a direct expression of our right of self determination
and inherent right to govern that First Nations peoples have held
and consistently advocated during the earliest treaties with the
settler governments. it is result of the inability for First Nations
to receive justice in Canada as recently recognized by the Royal
commission on Aboriginal Peoples. The Commission called the Canadian
justice system a Acrushing failure because of oppression and systemic
discrimination and Athe effects of colonialism which have systematically
undermined the social, cultural and economic foundations of aboriginal
peoples.
There is, however, a long history explaining how the necessity
for this court came about. It starts with our earliest relationships
with the euro-Canadian governments. |
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Who we are
Across the continent many different First Nations exist, each with
their own spirituality, territory, language and culture. Despite
these fundamental differences, however, we share many similarities,
particularly in terms of how we view our original relationships
with Canada. For example, when European settlers first arrived on
our lands, we acted accordance with our instructions and attempted
to live with each other in friendship and peaceful coexistence.
We acknowledged each other as sovereign nations and many of us entered
into agreements or treaties with the European governments in order
to establish and define our relationships more clearly. It is important
to remember, however, that none of our treaties stated that we were
relinquishing, diminishing or extinguishing our inherent rights
to govern ourselves and our futures.
Our original nation to nation relationships and treaty agreements
have never been pealed, abandoned or forgotten. All parties to the
treaties including the Creator as witness continue to exist. They
must, therefore, continue to exist today. Any assertions by Canada
that state otherwise can only be based upon a systemic process of
false and racist assumptions. We need to remind ourselves of this
fact and state it clearly whenever Canada attempts to block us in
the implementation of our inherent rights. we already possess full
powers to govern and control ourselves, our lands and our resources
- it is time we took action to ensure that this reality is reflected
in our communities. |
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Political - Legal
Collusion
Over time, First Nations have come to learn that there was a weakness
in our processes to uphold the treaties. There was no process provided
to renew or update the relationship in contemporary terms. Instead,
Canada manipulates their legal system to interpret the treaty relationship
and to place it in their domestic legislation such as the Indian
Act. These external legal systems were used to validate the theft
of our lands based on case-precedent. Since the earliest decisions
of the British courts dealing with our rights, First Nations were
not present to defend themselves or their rights. In fact, until
1951, it was illegal under Canadian law for Indians to hire lawyers
to defend their land rights issues and conflicts. As well, this
system of common law revived an outdated concept which is known
as a Ausufructuary right. this concept is s mere Aright to take
the fruit of the land but not own the land and has formed the basis
for the unilateral and wholesale seizure of our lands. Case precedent
has also condoned doctrines of discovery, cession and extinguishment.
We must acknowledge that the federal government has no intention
of honouring its treaty obligations or of living up to the relationship
recognized by the treaties. The court system continues to grind
out decisions which are still consistent with their earliest or
justified their assertion of jurisdiction over us or shown how they
acquired legitimate title to our lands and sovereignty over our
peoples. Our peoples know that Canada can never do this and they
continue to resist Canada's domination and interference over First
Nation peoples and territories.
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Failure of the
Canadian Court System
First Nation have consistently attempted to have their rights recognized
by both the federal and provincial governments and by the Canadian
courts. The courts, however, have consistently denied the existence
of our rights or have recognized them and then watered them down.
Even landmark cases such as the Sparrow decision recognize our rights
and in the same breath state they can be extinguished. Canadian
courts cannot be their very nature even begin to comprehend or First
Nations concepts of law or justice. They are based on other cultures,
British common law and French civil codes, which are totally foreign
and irrelevant to First Nations peoples and cultures. they are also
based on an adversarial system which forces win-lose solutions versus
Fist Nations systems which seek conflict resolution through consensus
and which produces win-win solutions. Even when Canada's Supreme
Court has ruled in our favour Canadian government can ignore their
rulings and interpret them as they see fit.
After losing the population and technological advantage necessary
to enforce our rights, First Nations have realized that there are
limited ways to effect change. Relying on the good will and the
honour of the Crown to fulfill its treaty promises has not worked.
Negotiation, Canadian courts and international pressure have all
been tried to force the Canadian governments to live up to their
moral and legal obligations. However, in 1969 the federal government
responded by attempting to terminate First Nations through a AWhite
Paper policy which serves ultimately only to strengthen the resolve
of the First Nations to organize and press our claims more vigorously.
Since the late 1970s First Nations have attempted to negotiate
changes to Canada's highest law - its Constitution - to force Canada
to live up to its commitments. While achieving a recognition in
1982 of our aboriginal and treaty rights, Canadian governments continue
to violate our rights and freedoms with impunity. They also refuse
to return the land or to pay a fair return on the proceeds made
from First Nations resources stolen through the treaties and other
fraudulent means. |
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Inherent Right to Self Government In releasing
its policy paper on self government, Canada demonstrated that it
has no intention of honouring our treaties and status as self determining
nations through the introduction of the federal Inherent Right Policy.
There is nothing inherent about this policy which clearly sets out
the government agenda to define us as municipal level government
whose rights and powers come from and are based upon the consent
of the federal and provincial governments. It is plain that the
policy is intended to rid the federal government of any fiduciary
obligation for First Nations peoples and transfer responsibility
to the provincial governments.
The limited list of powers that First Nations can exercise and
the requirement that First Nations jurisdictions cannot be exercised
without federal and provincial agreements clearly makes our rights
contingent, can only be determined by First Nations. If they are
circumscribed by Canada and the provinces, they are not inherent
but delegated. For this reason, the federal policy is unacceptable
and yet another example of the injustice confronting First Nations
peoples.
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First Nations Land Rights First Nations have been
reduced to the point where we have to Aclaim our own land and prove
how we have a Alegal interest or title in our lands. The process
that First Nations are forced to use is one based on Canada acting
as the defendant, judge, jury and executioner. First Nations are
simply seeking justice. First Nations know that our Great Grandfathers
would not give up all their future interests to these bountiful
lands and waters for a few trinkets, suits of clothing and $5.00
a year. First Nations know that they did not give up, sell or extinguish
their rights to the land because the concept was totally foreign
to them. One could more easily sell the air than they could sell
the land in the First Nations view.
First Nations are seeking a process that is fair and equitable
which is independent from and external to the government and is
designed and implemented by First Nations. The First Nations International
Court of Justice may be the appropriate vehicle to play that role.
An independent lands Tribunal is also one of the recommendations
of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. |
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What Needs to be Done
If we are to survive with all the gifts given to us by the Creator,
our languages, culture, spirituality and territories must be elevated
to a new stature. We must strengthen our own identities and relationships
as indigenous First Nations. Creative and innovative alternatives
are required to proceed with the exercise of our inherent rights.
After having tried all avenues to assert and have rights recognized,
respected and implemented. it now becomes obvious that the only
option open to First Nations is the simple exercise of our inherent
rights and jurisdictions regardless of what non-Indian politicians
and lawyers say and prepare ourselves as best as possible to deal
with the consequences. The acceptance and recognition of ourselves
as the source of our collective authority and jurisdiction is the
foundations of our ongoing reclamation of nationhood.
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The First Judgement
The First Nations Court of Justice is one such expression of Ajust
do it. It is the exercise of First Nations jurisdiction. The first
question that was dealt with by the First Nations International
Court of Justice was Awhen and how did the government of Canada
believe it acquired jurisdiction over First Nations including the
power or authority to tax citizens of the First Nations?
In their preliminary session the FNICJ decided there was enough
evidence against Canada to proceed with the indictment. In summarizing
Maori Jurist Dr. Moana Jackson stated:
AThis Court has been convened to decide if there is sufficient
evidence to call a further hearing on whether Her Majesty the Queen
in Right of Canada is in breach and violation of the original law
of the First of Turtle Island. Like my other judges it is clear
to me on the basis of the evidence given before us that there has
been such a violation . . . The law that was brought here by the
colonizer was built on ideas and doctrines intended not just to
deny the validity of First Nations laws but to also deny the value
of indigenous life itself. The Government of Canada, which is responsible
for the passage and maintenance of that law today did not deign
to appear before us, was not so much an affront to this court as
it was an act of disrespect to the ideals and aspirations of First
Nations peoples and therefore also a violation of First Nations
peoples and therefore also violation of First Nations law.
He went on to say, Atrue justice lies not in the written words
or acts of parliament, but in visions and dreams which should underpin
them. Indigenous law is based on clear dreams of how life should
be lived and a clear vision of the sovereignty and political power
required to give effect to give effort to them. Her Majesty the
Queen in Right of Canada has trampled upon dreams ans remains today
in breach of the law which came from First Nations.
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The Decision
The First Sitting of the First Nations International Court of Justice
issued the following seven orders:
1. That this Court reconvene at a date to be determined in September
1996 to hear substantive evidence on the claims made against Her
Majesty in Right of Canada.
2. That the Indictment as presented at this Hearing be amended to
include a call to justice of Her Majesty the Queen not just in Right
of Canada but in Right of Great Britain as well.
3. That the Indictment be further amended to include a call to justice
of Governments of the United States of America and Mexico which
are complicitous in the violation of the law of the First Nations
of Great Turtle Island.
4. That should the government not respond to the call to justice
a Friend of the Court be appointed on their behalf for the next
scheduled hearing of this Court. But that friend be made aware that
such hearing of the Court will be conducted according to the processes
and visions of First Nations law and not the law of the colonizer.
5. That prior to the next sitting of the Court, hearings for the
collection of evidence be held in such First Nations as wish to
participate in order to gather such information as the prosecution
thinks necessary and to be held at such time and place as the First
Nations concerned thinks is appropriate.
6. That in view of the fact that clear violations of First Nations
law have occurred, First Nations be encouraged to impose a moratorium
on the conclusion of any treaties, negotiations or other arrangements
with the government of Great Turtle Island until such time as this
Court delivers its final judgement.
7. An finally, that the findings and evidence of this preliminary
hearing be given wide circulation within the community of First
Nations and within Canada and elsewhere.
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How do First Nations Participate?
The next stage will be for the Court to collect additional evidence
from First Nations communities themselves about the Crown's violations
of First Nations rights. The first sitting in April 1996 only had
time to hear from five indigenous witnesses but the Court had indicated
that it is prepared to hear and gather evidence from a wide variety
of written and oral source including sworn affidavits and video
tape evidence from elders who may not be able or willing to travel.
It is especially important for First Nations governments to support
this initiative to help demonstrate the legitimacy of the Court
by beginning to use it. The International Court of Justice at the
Hague was not fully accepted at its inception. For example, it could
be utilized to settle disputes among or between First Nations. This
court or tribunal could also eventually be used as an alternative
dispute with Canada under existing processes such as Land Claims
or Land Rights, tax rulings and arbitration. The UN Draft Declaration
on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples has also been suggested as the
standard against which Canada will be measured and prosecuted for
violations of International Human Rights laws. The more we as First
Nations use and support this court, the more it will gain stature.
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Next Steps
The Court has postponed its next hearing to enable fundraising
efforts to come to fruition. Everyone is encouraged to support the
work of the Court be contributing to it. Copies of the first session
are available in transcript and video format through the Chiefs
of Ontario, 344 Bloor Street West, Toronto, M5S 3A7. |
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