The Federal Land
Claims Policy
The federal Land Claims Policy does not recognize First Nations
Land and Resource rights. The federal Claims Policy came about as
a direct result of the Supreme Court of Canada recognition of Aboriginal
Title in the 1973 Calder Decision involving Nishga's Land Rights
in British Columbia. The federal policy was announced in August
1973.
The federal government recognizes two major types of claims. Comprehensive
Claims deal with continuing aboriginal rights and title in areas
where no treaties have been negotiated. They require the claimant
First Nation to prove traditional use and occupancy.
Specific Claims arise from the breach of Treaties or other legal
obligations including the improper administration of First Nation
lands or assets such as trust funds. Many specific claims deal with
the illegal taking of Indian Reserve land and the failure to pay
compensation where lands were taken under the cloak of lawful authority.
The federal policy also acknowledges a third type of claim, Claims
of a Difference Kind, which includes those claims that fall within
the spirit of the Claims Policy but do not meet strict program criteria.
Following First Nations dissatisfaction with the original claims
policies, the Federal Government conducted its first review in 1980
which resulted in the release of the Comprehensive Claims Policy,
In All Fairness, and the Specific Claims Policy, Outstanding Business,
in 1982. Minor changes were made to the Comprehensive Claims Policy
in 1986 following the Coolican Commissions review of the process.
The most recent change to the policy came as a result of the land
rights of the land rights action at Kanesatake, Quebec, the AOka
Crisis. In 1990 the federal government conducted a consultation
with a Chief Committee on the Specific Claims Policy and Process
in response to First Nations complaints. This resulted in the formation
in 1991 of an Indian Specific Claims Commission and a Joint Federal/First
Nations Working Group (JWG). The federal policy was also amended
to include pre-confederation claims and a so-called Afast track
process was created to settle claims under $500,000.
The Indian Specific Claims Commission that was established was
not jointly mandated, nor was it given the powers requested by First
Nations and it has been ineffective to date. Its powers are dependent
on the claims policy and are limited to providing recommendations
to the Government on issues of validation and compensation, only
after the federal government has made its decision on these issues.
It can play the role of mediator if so requested by the parties.
Recently the Minister of Indian Affairs offered to jointly develop
an independent land claims process in Canada but refused to sign
a political protocol committing him to an outcome. Another joint
process has been initiated at a technical level; however, the distinctions
between Aspecific and Acomprehensive claims remain. The Minister
has extended the mandate of the Specific Claims Commission; however
, they have received no new powers to address its ineffectiveness.
The Joint Working Group had a mandate to develop options to change
the specific claims Policy but this process ended in a stalemate
in July 1993 when the federal representatives would not agree to
fundamental changes.
Under the current policy, First Nations must research and submit
specific Claims to the Government, which then decides whether to
accept the claim as valid. Validated claims proceed to the negotiation
stage; rejected claims can be reviewed by the Specific Claims Commission.
Negotiation of validated claims may result in compensation for First
Nations, but it is use restricted by government criteria which First
Nations believe is unfair. Compensation issues can also be sent
to the Claims Commission for review, but it has no power to compel
the federal government to take any action.
In November 1996 the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples tabled
its final report which called for a major overhaul of the federal
claims policy calling for an independent body and a commission to
oversee the process.
The Inadequacy of the Federal Claims Policy and Process
The following issues show the inadequacy of the federal Aclaims
policy.
1. Burden of Proof
The first flaw in the Federal Land Claims Policy is the very name
itself, ALand Claims, which is a misleading title and an insult
to First Nations. If there is any doubt as to ownership, the benefit
of the doubt must go to the original owners - the First Nations.
Why should we have to claim our own lands? The burden of proof of
legal title or interest in First Nations lands must rest with Canada.
2. Extinguishment and Arbitrary Categories
The policy is based on the false assumptions that First Nations'
titles to their lands were extinguished by the treaties. This is
clearly wrong. First Nations are not prepared to extinguish any
of their rights in their traditional territories for any amount.
The arbitrary distinction between Comprehensive Claims and Specific
Claims is based on the false assumption as well. All issues available
for negotiation under the Comprehensive Claims policy, including
Self Government, should also be available for negotiation in the
Specific Claims forum. This distinction has also operated to deny
many claims (Rights Assertions) by First Nations since the underlying
title has not been surrendered and should be dealt with on the same
basis as comprehensive claims.
3.Conflict of Interest
The federal government acts as defendant, judge, and jury which
puts it into a conflict of interest situation. The Deputy Minister
makes the Funding Decisions and also decides the Validity and Settlement
Value of any Claim. This conflict is all the more evident because
of the fiduciary role and responsibility of the Crown to protect
the interests of the First Nations. One of the parties in a dispute
should not be allowed to control and decide the outcome of the process.
4. Limited Alternatives and Technical
Defenses
First Nations have only one process - specific claims - by which
they can address their rights and grievances. They can ask the Specific
Claims Commission to rule on questions of validity and compensation
once their position has been rejected by the federal government;
however, the Claims Commission can only recommend to the very government
who committed the injustice.
The only other option is to go to court, which is really no alternative.
Canadian courts are highly adversarial and base their decisions
on precedents which in many cases did not involve First Nations.
Canadian Courts do not understand aboriginal concepts of law and
they are expensive in terms of time, money and people.
Courts have also shown an inability to deal with the larger social,
cultural and political issues often raised by First Nations in land
rights negotiations. They have great difficulty in recognizing the
special attachment and value that the land holds for First Nations.
And finally, Canadian courts are still the courts of one of the
parties in the dispute.
If First Nations got o court, Canada has stated that it will use
technical and time limitation defenses in spite of the fact that
First Nations could not legally pursue land claims until as recently
as 1951.
5. Standards of Validity - ALawful
Obligation
The criteria for determining validity of land claims or land rights
assertions is based on totally arbitrary, self serving and undefined
policy of Alawful obligation which dates back to Canada's 1969 White
Paper Policy but much has changed since that time in the recognition
of First Nations legal rights. Aboriginal title has been recognized,
aboriginal and Treaty Rights are protected in the constitution and
the Supreme Court has recognized a fiduciary trust obligation on
the part of the federal government. Also, the inherent right to
self government is supposed to be the Federal Policy of the day.
It is time for Canada to update its Validity Standard based on contemporary
aboriginal law and government policy.
Lawful obligation has come to mean in practice that a First Nations
Land Rights assertion or claim is valid only if, in the opinion
of a Department of Justice lawyer, the Crown would lose the case
in Court. This standard is simply meant to minimize government liability
and is not based on standards of natural justice. It automatically
blocks First Nations from seeking redress for breaches of the promises
and obligations contained in the treaties such as guarantees of
hunting, fishing, trapping and gathering right. It also ignores
of treaties as understood by First Nations and protected in the
Constitution.
6. Rules of Evidence
First Nations have unique traditions of recording history which
are equally valid and precise as the written history used in courts.
First Nations' recording of history included the use of customs
such as wampum belts ans strings, traditional teachings and first
hand accounts passed on orally from generation to generation. First
Nations must be allowed to use their traditional methods of recording
Historical events to support and prove a valid land rights assertion
(claim).
7. Disclosure
First Nations are expected to present the legal basis for a claim;
however, there is no such reciprocal duty on the part of the Crown.
The legal opinions that are provided by the Department of Justice,
which form the basis for the rejection of a claim, are not even
shared with the First Nation once the Claim is rejected.
8. Funding for Claimants
First Nations have very limited access to financial resources to
develop and present their land rights assertions. Funding is currently
determined and provided to First Nations by the federal government
in the form of a loan once First Nations claims are accepted for
negotiation. The amount of funding made available to First Nations
can dramatically affect the quality of the claim put forward. The
federal role of determining funding levels again represented a major
conflict of interest. If the federal government wants a claim to
go away all they have to do is simply stop funding it.
9. Slowness of the Process
The entire process is unreasonably slow, At any stage of the process
the First Nations' claims can be put on hold for years without valid
explanations or reasons. Once a claim is accepted for negotiation,
there are often further delays in negotiations for compensation.
10. Compensation Criteria
The claims policy uses arbitrary standards such as Adegree of doubt,
Adiscounting A and Aspecial value to the owner. If, in the opinion
of the Crown negotiators, there is a degree of doubt as the status
of the land, the compensation offered will also be lowered based
on the Justice lawyers' opinions' of the chances of success had
the claim gone to court. Finally, no additional compensation will
be offered based on the special value of the land to the owner.
This would automatically rule out all First Nations have with the
land and the special value it holds for them collectively.
11. Interim Measures
Currently there is nothing stopping the federal or provincial governments
from disposing of, selling, degrading or destroying the First Nations
land or resources which are the object or subject of the claim.
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